প্রকাশনাসমূহ

The untruths around Bangabandhu

A retired deputy head of the BBC’s Bengali Service last week gave a new twist to Bangladesh’s history through a letter to The Guardian newspaper in London. He was responding to an article by Ian Jack on Bangladesh, which article we will, if we so wish, deal with later. At this point, note what this Bengali gentleman had to say about Bangabandhu’s arrival in London on January 8, 1972 following his release from Pakistani detention by the government of President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

On his arrival at Heathrow, said this long-time BBC broadcaster, Bangladesh’s founding father was received by Apa Panth, the Indian High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. When Panth addressed Bangabandhu as “His Excellency,” Sheikh Mujibur Rahman appeared surprised. To all intents and purposes, he had thought that he had been freed by the Pakistan government after full regional autonomy had been granted to East Pakistan. He had absolutely no idea, implied the veteran broadcaster, that Bangladesh had become a free country. And that was not all. This journalist also peddled the untruth that he was the first Bengali to meet Bangabandhu once the latter had checked in at London’s Claridge’s Hotel.

That letter in The Guardian is proof once again of the persistence with which Bangabandhu’s detractors –and sometimes his followers — have been trying to undermine his place in history through their imaginary tales and concocted stories. Let the record of Bangabandhu’s arrival in London in January 1972 be set straight.

At Heathrow, the Father of the Nation, accompanied by his constitutional advisor Kamal Hossain and Hossain’s family, was received by John Sutherland, a senior official at Britain’s Foreign Office. Also on hand was the senior-most Bengali diplomat in London at the time, M.M. Rezaul Karim. In his account of the day’s events, Karim, now deceased, left behind a clear narrative that no one has questioned till now.

Bangabandhu hopped into Karim’s car (and Karim himself was at the wheels) rather than take the limousine the British government had placed at his disposal and on the way pelted the diplomat with endless questions about the just-concluded War of Liberation. Crowds of Bengalis began to gather before Claridge’s once word began to get around that Mujib had arrived there. Our veteran journalist happened to be one of many who turned up there.

Hours later, Bangladesh’s leader spoke at a crowded news conference at the hotel on the matter of his imprisonment in Pakistan and the manner of his release by the Bhutto administration. Prior to the news conference, he had spoken to Prime Minister Edward Heath and Opposition Leader Harold Wilson, both of whom motored down to Claridge’s to greet Bangladesh’s founder-president. Bangabandhu had also spoken to Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed and his family as well as Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi soon after stepping into Claridge’s.

His performance at the news conference was a clear demonstration of his command of the situation. Besides, his meetings with Bhutto between the end of December 1971 and his release on January 8, 1972 were crucial: Mujib was informed by Bhutto of the new realities in the subcontinent, of the fact that there was a government at work in Bangladesh. The Pakistani leader wanted, though, guarantees from Bangabandhu that Bangladesh would maintain some kind of link, even a loose one, with Pakistan. Bangabandhu made no response.

And that is the story of January 1972. But when you seriously reflect on the many ways in which certain individuals have endlessly tried running Bangabandhu down, you cannot but be appalled at the depths to which they have gone to denigrate him. There are yet Bengalis whose sense of history and understanding of Bangabandhu’s political career come across as pitiably poor. They will raise the question of why Bangabandhu “surrendered” to the Pakistan army in March 1971. It is then that you are compelled to remind them that Bangabandhu’s politics had always been based on constitutionalism, that fear was never a part of his character, that he did not have it in him to run for his life.

In this country, we have had men, some of them well-known freedom fighters, who have gone around screaming their refusal to honour Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as Bangabandhu. When they do that, you ask them a couple of questions: If you do not honour Bangabandhu, why did you join a war that was waged in his name? And, more significantly, when an entire nation calls him Bangabandhu, who gave you the right to deny him his place in our consciousness and in our history?

There are then a few others who have sought to profit through alleged association with Bangabandhu. A veteran journalist, now living overseas, penned a book on his dealings with the Father of the Nation more than two decades ago. You would think, as you go through the work, that this newsman was the only individual in Bangladesh to proffer words of wisdom to Bangladesh’s founder.

He informs us, to our disbelief, that in the late hours of the night and buffeted by crises, Bangabandhu would seek his advice, call him and ask him to come over to 32, Dhanmondi. Of course, nothing of the sort happened. There is then the story of another individual (and he too lives abroad) who has tried convincing people that in the heady days of March 1971, he was press secretary to Bangabandhu. He was not. No one recalls him in that position.

Lord, forgive them, for they know not what they do!

Author : Syed Badrul Ahsan / Daily Star

The writer is Editor, Current Affairs, The Daily Star. E-mail: bahsantareq@yahoo.co.uk

‘Why did they kill Bangabandhu?’

“Why did they kill Bangabandhu? I’m feeling very bad [about it],” a six-year old Suha asked his father while visiting the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum in the city on Monday.

The house at Dhanmondi Road 32, where the country’s founding president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of his family members were killed by a handful of renegade army officers on Aug 15, 1975, is now known as Bangabandhu Memorial Museum.

Mujib, who led the country’s independence struggle, has been nick-named Bangabandhu, or friend of Bengal.

His body was found lying in a pool of blood on the stairs of the second floor of the house on the fateful night.

There were signs of shots almost everywhere on the wall of the second floor. The body of his wife, Begum Fazilatunnesa, sons Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russel, daughters-in-law Sultana Kamal Khuki and Parveen Jamal Rosy were found in his bedroom.

Mujib’s daughters, incumbent prime minister Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, were in Belgium, and thus escaped the massacre.

There are signs of blood in the room where Hasina used to live. A photograph hung outside the room shows that Bangabandhu is looking at some pigeons.

The house was the centre point of the 1969 mass-uprising, 1970 general elections and non-cooperation movement of March 1971.

Curator of the memorial museum Syed Siddiqur Rahman said over 1,000 people visit the historical house every day.

Physician Mahbubur Rahman, who came from Jessore district to pay respect to Mujib, said: “Until I come here, I did not know what a simple life he (Mujib) led despite being such a great man.”

“How such a man of great mind and his family were so brutally killed?” he asked.

The people coming to pay their respect to the great leader demanded that his fugitive killers be brought back home through diplomatic efforts or otherwise and be hanged.
A government official, Shafiqur Rahman, who came to the museum along with his family said: “The nation won’t be free from disgrace if the killers are not hanged. And those who are opposing it should be punished too.”

“We should remember that those who are involved in the killing are not actually human beings…,” he contended.

Awami League general secretary and local government minister Syed Ashraful Islam has already said that the government has taken initiatives to bring the killers back.

Author : Mamunur Rashid /  Source : bdnews24

ALL DETAINED BANGABANDHU KILLERS EXECUTED 1-28-2010

Five detained Killers of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Were executed at Dhaka Central Jail shortly after Wednesday midnight.Mohiuddin ahmed (artillery) was first to be executed at 12:05am and then four others walked to the gallows one after another. four other are Maj (reted) Bazlul Huda, Lt col (retd) Sultan Shahriar rashid Khan, Syed farooq Rahman and Maj (retd)AKM Mohiuddin (lancer) Sources of the news however could not be confirmed. Tight security measures have been taking in and around Dhaka Central jail over the executions. A large number of law enforcement agency members inciuding RAB and police were deployed.

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THUS CAME HOME BANGABANDHU

Bangabandhu with cup a tea

BANGABANDHU left home or was forced to leave by the Pakistani 0ccupation forces immediately after the ‘Operation Searchlight’ (in reality Operation Genocide) had started on the fateful night of •25 March 1971. He would remain in the Pakistani custody for the following nine agonising months. He would not know how much blood was being spilled in his Bangladesh to free the country as well as him of the occupation forces. He had to leave his country a captive; but on 10 January 1972, he returned to a hero’s welcome. What a turn-around: a captive about to be sentenced to death became free and turned hero of a country which had been occupied, but turned free! History does not bear testimony to such a turn-around having taken place in such a short span of time —that is, a liberation war fought to a successful finish within an unprecedented nine months. The day 10 January is etched in our annals as an episode not simply because Bangabandhu could return alive to lead a victorious nation; it was more so for what he got across in his home-coming address to the exultant and euphoric nation. He addressed at the same place – the Race Course, and the same pulpit from which he had delivered the historic speech of 7 March a year back. In the first speech he laid out a roadmap of liberation; and on 10 January he outlined the future of the victorious and independent state of Bangladesh. On both occasions he appeared, as it were, to fit adequately in the leadership typology as had been delineated by Winston Churchill: “The ability [of a leader] to fore-tell what is going to happen tomorrow next week, next month, and next month, and next year And to have the ability afterwards to explain why it didn’t happen.

” On 7 March 1971, — Bangabandhu foretold the inevitability of independence through a liberation war; and on 10 January he shared a blueprint for the new country the speech was extempore (as had been the case with the speech of 7 March), demonstrating the fact that although physically detached from his country and completely in the dark about the happenings back at home, he remained psychologically close to his country and people. The speech of 10 January touched upon two broad themes: state building and nation—building. These are the two tasks a newly-born state is required to address itself for charting a future for the state of Bangladesh. In retrospect, it appears that Bangabandhu had a clear vision about these two tasks as well as the challenges involved. To meet these challenges he outlined at least fifteen responses; some major ones may be drawn attention to. He began the speech by Expressing his abundant gratitude to the heroes, both fallen and alive, for freeing the country from the occupation forces. But he chirmed in with the popular exuberance as he spoke quite aloud, “I have my desire fulfilled today’ Bangladesh is free,” The following utterance was more emphatic, “I knew Bangladesh would be free;” he did know as in the 7 March speech he had said, “I would surely free the people of Bengal [Banglar] through the mercy of Allah,” and also, “No one can now keep down the people.” As to the nature and quality of the new state of Bangladesh he clearly indicated, “Bangladesh would be an ideal state; it would not be a religion-based state. The foundation of this state would be democracy socialism and religious pluralism? G am using the phrase religious pluralism for dharmanirapeksata, the word used by Bangabandhu, as I do not think This Bangla word can be translated into secularism, Etymologically and in connotation these two words are different).

The socio-economic objective of Bangladesh came out in clearest possible terms as he spoke in emotion-laden words, “I address you as a brother of yours, not president or leader that the independence would be a failure if the people do not ` get food and the young people do not get jobs — if so independence would not be complete? We have to bear in mind that he was taking upon himself as well as the people such a challenge in a country which had emerged completely war-devastated and with no resource base at all. It may be said that Bangabandhu rightly mustered the requisite courage to sensitize himself as well as his people about the enormity of challenge that lay ahead. Bangabandhu acknowledged the pro-Bangladesh role of the members of the international community He had special gratitude for the people, government of India, and their Prime Minster Indira Gandhi. He had words of gratitude for the erstwhile Soviet Union, Germany and France; but he did not have any word on China; and certainly for understandable reasons. But it is to be noted that he thanked the US people not their government; and that too for understandable reasons. He called upon all the members of the international community to extend immediate diplomatic recognition to Bangladesh. He said, “lurge all free countries of the world to recognize Bangladesh.” He also requested them to come forward with aid and assistance for his completely devastated country and demanded immediate UN membership for Bangladesh.

Bangabandhu had his own perception as to what should be done about the collaborators of genocide rape and wanton destruction. He cautioned his countrymen against taking law i.nt0 their hands and going for immediate retribution. His cautionary words were unequivocal, “Steps would be taken against them at the appropriate time. They will be put on trial; and leave this responsibility upon the government.” He also urged the people to refrain from harming the non-Bengalis who had collaborated with the Pakistani occupation forces in letting loose a reign of terror killing and destruction. His specific words were “They are also our brethren. We would demonstrate to the world that while Bengalis can sacrifice their lives for the cause of independence, they can also live in peace.” In both these cautionary utterances Bangabandhu represented the humane and tolerant Bengali psyche. A special point was made on the future •of Bangladesh’s relationship with Pakistan. As Bangabandhu addressed Pakistan: “You live in peace; but we are not with you anymore. The Bengali people would rather die than compromise on independence. I Wish you well. Accept that we are independent. You live as an independent country” Such words had a bearing on the Pakistani move for a Bangladesh-Pakistan confederation; and which was literally dismissed out of hand by Bangabandhu. Bangabandhu outlined the core principles of the would-be Bangladesh foreign policy His initial words were on the relationship with the Muslim countries, who, as we know had anti-Bangladesh role during the Liberation War but Bangabandhu, with a states- manlike foresight knew that Eventually Bangladesh would have to carve out a place in the Muslim Ummah; and this would be because of the country’s Muslim majority demo- graphic status. As he said, “Let it be known to all that Bangladesh is now the second largest Muslim state; Pakistan’s is the fourth place. Indonesia occupies the first position; and India third.” Such an astute wording of this statement pushed Pakistan as a Muslim country behind Bangladesh; and, in consequence of which, the significance of Bangladesh as a Muslim entity ` was enhanced in the eyes of the Muslim Ummah, and that was despite the country’s declared intention to be a Secular political entity this was Bangabandhu the diplomat with an eye to the future of his country ‘ The last point touched upon was the controversy as to when the Indian Army would leave Bangladesh. The sovereign status of independent Bangladesh was being questioned in some quarters of the international community because of the presence of a foreign army on its soil. But Bangabandhu assuaged any fear or suspicion when he said, “I have had words with Srimati Indira Gandhi in Delhi [about this matter]. The Indian Army would leave as and when I would desire.” The 10 January speech was supplementary to the one that had been delivered on 7 March both the speeches were future-oriented; and in which the Bangabandhu was at his best with all the qualities of a political leader and statesman.

Prof. Dr. Syed Anwar Husain

Author : Prof. Dr. Syed Anwar Husain

(English rendering of excerpts of the speech is by the author)

Writer is editor of daily sun.

BD not been created if Bangabandhu not born: Earshad

BD not been created if Bangabandhu not born: Earshad

Jatiya Party Chairman and former President HM Earshad Thursday opined that Bangladesh could not be created if Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was not born.

“So Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is father of the nation,” said the ex-military ruler.

He came up with the comment at a painting competition and prize-distribution ceremony organized by Banani Bidyaniketon marking the great Victory Day.

The former military chief also said Bangabandhu proclaimed the independence of Bangladesh through delivering the historic speech at Suhrawardy Uddayan on March 7, 1971.

“We got the victory through a bloody war lasting nine months after the proclamation made by Bangabandhu,” he added.

He urged the students of the educational organization: “You have to know real history of the liberation war from pages of history.”

With Headmistress of the school Kumkum Nargis in the chair, the programme was also addressed by Dhaka City (North) Jatiya Party President Foysal Chishti, and Guardian Members Sakhawat Hossain Halim, Mizanur Rahman and Tasrin Akther.

| by priyo.com , -Bangla news