Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

The bravest son of Bangladesh. A peoples’ leader who fought all his life for their political rights and dared everything on earth to achieve independence for the Bangalees of East Bangla. The great nationalist leader of Bangladesh who voiced the demands of the nation and won the victory against the Pakistani colonists.

Declaration of Independence War of 1971

……”Pak Army suddenly attacked E.P.R Base at Pilkhana, Rajarbag Police Line and killing citizens. Street battle are going on in every street of Dhaka-Chittagong. I appeal to the Nations of the World for help. Our freedom fighters are gallantly fighting with the enemies to free the motherland. I appeal and order you all in the name of Almighty Allah to fight to the last drop of blood to liberate the country. Ask police, E.P.R, Bengal regiment and Ansar to stand by you and to fight. No compromise. Victory is ours. Drive out the last enemy from the holy soil of motherland. Convey this message to all Awami League leaders, workers and other patriots and lovers of freedom. May Allah bless you.

Joy Bangla

Life: Mujib 

Year Date

Personal/Political Events

1920 Mar 17 Born at Tungipara village in Faridpur district (presently Gopalgonj)
1938 Imprisoned for his nationalist speech in a political gathering
1940 During a visit by the state minister Fazlul Huq and minister of food Suhrawardi to the Gopalgonj School, Sheikh Mujib, with few other students, blocked their way in demand of government initiative for the improvement of condition of the school. The leaders accepted his demands.
1946 Elected the General Secretary of the central students’ union of Calcutta Islamia College
1947 Formed the East Pakistan Muslim Students’ League
1947 Nov First use of the name “Bangladesh’ in the conference of Students’ League in Narayanganj.
1949 June 23 Elected as the founder joint secretary of Awami Muslim League from prison. Released in July and was immediately imprisoned for hunger strike
1952 Hunger strike at Dhaka Central Jail in support of the heroes of Bangla language movement.
1953 The responsibility of the General Secretary of Awami League was accorded to him
1954 A new ministry was formed on 12 May 1954 by the Chief Minister Fazlul Haque and Sheikh Mujib was inducted as the youngest member of the cabinet.
1954 May 30 The central government dissolved Fazlul Haque’s cabinet, imposed direct rule and arrested their arch enemy, Sheikh Mujib. He was released on December 18.
1955 Sept Turned “Muslim Awami League” into a non-communal political party by reoving the word “Muslim” from its official name.
1956 June 2 Governor’s rule was lifted and election of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was held in the same month. Sheikh Mujib was elected a member of the Constituent Assembly.
1956 Sept Minister for trade, industry and anti-corruption in the ministry formed by  Ataur Rahman Khan
1957 May Resigned from the ministry in order to commit himself to organizational work for the party.
1958 October Arrested by the military dictator General Ayub Khan on 12 false charges.
1966 Feb5, 6 In the national conference for the opposition political parties in Lahore, Sheikh Mujib first pronounced the historic six point demands. Arrested again
1968 January While serving long term jail sentences, the Pakistani military dictator brought charges of high treason against Sheikh Mujib. They accused Sheikh Mujib of conspiring with senior army and civil officials to overthrow the government. The trial started under a special tribunal and the case became famous as Agartala Conspiracy Case.
1969 Feb 22 The protest against the so-called Agartala conspiracy case slowly gained momentum and the huge mass upsurge of February brought the downfall of Gen Ayub Khan and withdrawal of Agartala Conspiracy Case as well as the release of Sheikh Mujib and other co-accused.
1969 Feb 23 The people gave an unprecedented reception to Sheikh Mujib and he was accorded the title “Bangabandhu”- friend of Banga (Bengal).
1969 Dec 5 In the death anniversary of Suhrawardi, Sheikh Mujib announced that the name of the independent East Pakistan would be Bangladesh.
1970 Dec 7 In the general election of Pakistan, Awami Leage won 167 seats out of 169 in East Pakistan.
1971 Jan 3 Awami League inaugurated the oath of the elected members of parliament in the Race Course ground. The six points were declared a must for the people of East Pakistan
1971 Mar 3 In protest to Gen Yahyah Khan’s deliberate refusal to hand over political power, Sheikh Mujib declared the cancellation of the session of the National Council. Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujib, all Bangalees vehemently opposed Yahya’s dictatorial intervention into national politics.
1971 March 7 The historical speech upholding the promise for the liberation of the Bangalees……..this is our fight for liberation, this is our fight for independence………….Joy Bangla
1971 March 25 Pakistan army unleashed its barbaric attack on the unprepared Bangalees in the dead of the night. Official declaration of independence via wireless from his residence, 32 Dhanmondi Road, just before he was captured by the Pakistani occupation forces
1971 April 17 Formation of the Mujibnagar (provisional) government in Meherpur and Sheikh Mujib was elected the president. Syed Nazrul Islam the acting president and Tajuddin Ahmed the prime minister.
1972 Jan 8 Release from Pakistan Military custody.
1972 Jan 10 Return to independent Bangladesh.
1972 Jan 12 Commencement of parliamentary democracy. Elected as the Prime Minister. Promise to presented the nation with a modern constitution in ten months.
1973 Mar 7 General Election. Formed the government again.
1973 May 23 Accorded the Julie Curie medal for peace
1974 Sept 28 Address in the general assembly of the UN in Bangla
1975 Jan 25 Formation of BKSAL (Bangladesh Krisak Sramik Awami League) for economic independence.
1975 Aug 15 Assassinated by a band of artillery forces led by Col Faruk and Col Rashid. Many suspect CIA especially Kissinger’s involvement in the assassination of Mujib as Mujib, like Alende of Chili, defied US foreign policy formulated by Kissinger.. In the same afternoon  Mujib’s body was taken straight to Tungipara, escorted by the military, his place of birth and was given a hasty burial.

Personal Information

Father Sheikh Lutfur Rahman
Mother Sahera Begum
Wife Begum Fazilatun Nesa
Children Sheikh Hasina, Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Zamal, Sheikh Rehana, Sheikh Russell


Year Degree Institution
1942 SSC The Mission High School, Faridpur
1944 HSC Fridpur
1947 BA Calcutta Islamia College (History & Political Science)
1949 LAW As a student of Law Department, Dhaka university,  Sheikh Mujib was arrested as he supported the strike called by the  4th class employees of Dhaka university. The university authority fined him for his involvement in worker’s politics. As Sheikh Mujib saw their strike legitimate, he refused to pay the fine and  consequently was withdrawn from the university.

Declaration of Independence

” Tajuddin came to my residence for  shelter in that terrible night. It was, most probably, 12:45 am. With great concern Tajjuddin told me about two serious events: 1. Bangabonhu has officially declared the independence of Bangladesh and sent it to Chittagong (radio station) via wireless; 2. I implored him, holding his knees, to leave his residence and hide out, but he did not agree” 

Mr Abdul Gafur, Engineer Bangladesh Railway 

“…..Before he was arrested, Sheikh Mujib made a formal declartion of independence of Bangladesh sometime between 12:00 am and 1:30 am on March 26, 1971. It was broadcast over the clandestine Swadhin Bangladesh Betar (Radio) controlled by the Mukti Fauj (freedom fighters) at noon of March 26, 1971

SK Chkrabarti: The Evolution of Politics in Bangladesh, 1947-78 (p-208)

“…The 25th of March was spent by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party leaders in awaiting a call from General Pirzada for a final meeting with Yahya Khan and also for the final drafting session for working out the details of interim transfer of power. No such call came. At zero hours on the 26th March, the army swang into action against the unarmed people of East Pakistan, launching operation on a war scale. Meanwhile Sheikh Mujibur Rahman proclaimed the birth of sovereign Independent State of Bangladesh”

Prabodh Chandra: Bloodbath in Bangladesh, New Delhi (p-127)

“……In the night of March 25, 1971, he (Mujib) formally declared the independence of Banglaesh. This declaration was later broadcast all over the country via wireless. In the morning of March 26, 1971, I got  this message at Mymensingh Agricultural university (BAU). The then Vice Chancellore of BAU, Kazi Fazlur Rahman called all the teachers, showed them Mujib’s declaration message and said: “This message came via the Mymensingh Police Line and Mr Rafiq Bhuiyan, the leader of Mymensingh Awami League, personally brought this message to me”. Immediately after the VC’s announcement, a meeting was held where Mr Bhuiyan read out the declaration of independence and recounted the dreadful Military crack down in Dhaka city the previous night….”

 Shamsuz Zaman Khan (The Janakantha: 26 March, 2002)

…..” When the first shot had been fired, the voice of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman came faintly through an wavelength close to that of the official Pakistan Radio. In what must have been, and sounded like, a prerecorded message, the Sheikh proclaimed East Pakistan to be the People’s Republic of Bangladesh….”

Siddique  Salik: Witness to Surrender (p.75)


Jesus of ’75

Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: Military Coup de'tat of 1975

An Appeal

The killers of Sheikh Mujib haven’t killed Mujib and his family only, they axed the very foundation of the democratic system of governance. Its a blow to all civilized norms. On behalf of the people of Bangladesh appeals to the people of the world to help the government of Bangladesh to find the absconding killers of Sheikh Mujib and bring them to justice.

Copyright ©

The leader and political power

Politics is an astonishing profession — its most amazing component being the political power that propels it. Its mystic element has carried different meanings to many of its practitioners throughout history in all societies. There have been practitioners who used it without being aware of its inner content — the superficial application of it satisfying them.

In all these cases, this was application without knowledge and in the complicated area of socio-political management this proved disastrous to many societies. And yet there have been practitioners whose application of political power was the result of deep understanding of its philosophical and moral content. These practitioners were in a relentless pursuit in their understanding of its dynamics, and the social engineering needed to make its application meaningful.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Father of the Nation, as a political personality symbolised almost everything that politics meant in the contemporary history of the sub-continent. He was a thorough practitioner, constantly in pursuit of political power — its mystic content providing the inspiring base of his leadership.

It was a career, colourful in its form, defiant and heroic in its practice, and yet somewhat tragic in its fulfillment. The sustaining basis of that career spread over three decades was devoted to what political power and its application should mean to transform societies. To him political power’s legitimate base was the inescapable content of popular approval of its moral basis — its application inevitably leading to the ultimate goal of public good. To him these two components were inseparable: practising political power without a moral basis of its source was immoral and illegitimate.

Throughout his entire political career he continuously sought popular approval of his definition of political programs which he again converted in his own creative way into a source of political power. He galvanised an oppressed minorities’ position into the slogan of power: he articulated the Six Point Program as a vehicle of political power: he stood defiant against a ruthless military oppressor — made the call for an independent Bangladesh in a rare piece of political eloquence, his thunderous voice inspired by the mystic popular approval — the ultimate source of political power.

He firmly believed that application of political power in a democracy cannot be sustained without this element of popular approval. To him a conceptual misunderstanding of this theoretical definition of power could lead to enormous distortions into the process of social management. Comparisons are odd and this proved prophetic in Bangladesh’s context. Bangladesh had its unfortunate share of confused practitioners whose lack of understanding of this issue has led to disastrous consequences. The nation was forced to accept usurpation through illegitimate adventurism as source of political power: the settled definition of nationhood as a secular democratic order is threatened to be redefined: its secular content is being challenged by a manipulative state-sponsored religious fundamentalism; the economic objectives of the revolution are being sacrificed at the altar of unbridled capitalism: role of practitioners of political power as trustees of national resources is being compromised. One can add. But these are some of the legacies left behind by the “confused practitioners.”

Debates have been endless on Bangabandhu’s political experiment with Baksal and I am not sure if history has given a definitive judgment on an experiment essentially political in nature encompassing all sections of people. This was neither an act of usurpation nor grabbing of power through military adventurism. Its alleged authoritarian character remains debatable in the context of its broad-based composition. Debates apart one of the compelling component remains the experiment’s committed endeavour to bring political power close to the people.

The introduction of the District Governorship, for example, stands in stark contrast to the inability of the subsequent political establishments to decentralise power to the people mandated by the constitution. Ostensibly the failure is due to the establishment’s failure to determine the position of the MP in expedient power structure. It only points to the conceptual problem related to the source of the political power and the owner remains denied.

Bangabandhu’s historic achievement in this regard has been the framing of the Constitution of 1972 which gave a clear definition of political power and the location of its ownership. There has been several attempts to tinker with that definition. Subsequent political developments have only proved that nobody could bypass the powerful message authored by Bangabandhu in that historic document.

It is unfortunate that Bangabandhu’s attempt to define political power in an institutional form and make it a practising tool dedicated to the common good was cut short by his tragic assassination. It is tragedy with enormous political consequences evident from the series of political crises suffered by the nation for the last thirty years. The ultimate authority of political power stands threatened to be disfranchised and rescue packages regrettably have to be designed to ensure the obvious — to prove the ownership of the title holder.

Three years was a short period of time. Counter-revolutionaries, political urchins, enemies of the revolution and regrettably, class-conscious revolutionaries — all got restless to find a new definition of politics in Bangladesh. Did they get it?

Bangabandhu stands out majestically in the colourful canvass of history as champion of the common man’s power — the ultimate source of political power — which he so admirably symbolised.

With so many others as one who had the distinction of serving him personally, I salute him on this day.

A dead Sheikh Mujib remains as great as he was when alive.

Author : Nurul Islam Anu

The author, a columnist, is a former civil servant.

Bangabandhu after the Liberation….A Turbulent Political Career

Bangabandhu returns home

Bangabandhu returned home on January 10, 1972 after ten months of solitary confinement in a Pakistani prison. Seventy million people of the newly liberated country had been waiting for his return since the end of the war and the subsequent surrender of the Pakistani army on the 16th of December 1971.

But January 10 was more than a leader’s triumphant homecoming. “Hundreds of thousands of people gathered on both sides of the streets that led to the airport. He was later taken to the Suhrawardy Uddyan; another hundreds of thousands of people gathered there just to have a glimpse of him,” Nafia Din, a student of Dhaka University during the turbulent days and now a professor of political science at a U.S. university describes the most momentous event in our political history after independence. In fact Suhrawardy Uddyan was the place where Mujib had made his last public speech, declaring civil disobedience against the Pakistani junta till the hand over of power to the legitimate representatives of the people. Ataus Samad, former correspondent of the BBC describes Mujib’s homecoming as an event that made our independence complete.

Anthony Mascarenhas, a journalist working for London based newspaper the Sunday Times who really broke the story of genocide against Bangali people internationally, writes in his book, “Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood” about Bangabandhu’s homecoming, “It was as if a human sea had been packed into the three square mile arena. Nothing like this had happened ever in Dhaka. There’s been nothing like it since then. The frenzied cheering, the extravagant praise, the public worship and obeisance were beyond the wildest day dream of any man.” But, Mascarenhas goes on “The trouble was that even before the last echoes of the cheering had faded Mujib the demi-god was brought face to face with an overwhelming reality.” Twenty million people displaced within the country plus ten million refugees who were coming home from India needed shelter, food and clothing.

Bangabandhu affixes his signature to the draft of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.

The country was devastated by what Mujib later called “the greatest man made disaster in history.” Topping it all was the destruction of the transport and communications systems, which made the movement of relief-supplies a daily miracle. The railway tracks and signalling equipment and rolling stock were severely damaged. Every major bridge and more than half the river transport were completely destroyed. Chittagong, one of the country’s two ports and principal entry point for food imports, was rendered unserviceable by 29 ship-wrecks blocking the Karnafulli River channel. Fewer than 1000 of the country’s 8000-truck fleet were serviceable. There was no gasoline. Bangladesh desperately needed 2.5 million tons of food to avoid famine. And when this was forthcoming from the international community it required an additional miracle to get it to the country’s 60,000 villages, Mascarenhas writes.

To make it a law and order nightmare for any government there were an estimated 3,50,000 guns with equally vast quantities of ammunition left in the hands of various self-styled ‘Bahinies’. The world’s newest nation and its fragile economy were tittering on the brink of a total collapse.

The desperation was evident in an interview Bangabandhu gave to the Sunday Times. “What do you do about the currency? Where do you get food? Industries are dead. Commerce is dead. How do you start them again? What do you do about defence? I have no administration. Where do I get one? Tell me, how do you start a country?” he remarked to his interviewer six days after the jubilant reception he received at the Suhrawardy Uddyan.

The first move he made to run the country had cost him dearly. Unlike the overwhelming numbers of army-men and members of the police, with a few honourable exceptions, the bureaucrats remained in the service of the Pakistani occupation forces. When Bangladesh became independent on December 16, 1971, they quickly jumped on the bandwagon, proclaiming their new-found nationalism. So did many other opportunistic elements who were derisively dubbed the ’16th Division’, Mascarenhas says. Mujib turned to the 16th Division in the bureaucracy to run Bangladesh. “It was one of the fundamental mistakes he made in his three and half years in the helm,” Ataus Samad says. “It has been said that Castro told him not to run an independent country with the help of officials experienced in running a colonial administration. He advised an overhaul in the administration during the Non-Aligned Summit in Algiers, in 1973, where the two met for the first and the last time. But Mujib didn’t listen to that suggestion,” Samad continues.

So about 11,00,000 government certified freedom fighters, at the very outset of the independence, felt ignored and excluded from the reconstruction of the new country. Though Mujib offered the FFs to join the armed forces, only 8,000 turned up and they were absorbed in the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini; officially it was the national militia, in practice, it behaved like a private army of the ruling party.

Prime Minister Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the parliament, 1973.

Prime Minister Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the parliament, 1973.

In contrast to the above administrative failures Bangabandhu’s government produced a very important success: a Constitution was framed on November 4, 1972, enshrining most of the noblest of principles found in any other constitution. On December 16 that year it took effect. “It was a Herculean task, and it was done, unbelievably, within a year of our independence. It was like France after the bourgeois revolution; the Constitution guaranteed every basic right of the citizens. It was the finest document of liberal democracy,” Nafia says. Democracy, socialism, nationalism and secularism were made the four basic guiding principles of the newly liberated country. Mascarenhas, too, believes Bangladesh “had a Constitution, which any country could be proud of.”

The first general election, held in 1973, in the independent Bangladesh was smooth sailing for Bangabandhu and the Awami League. In a landslide victory, the party won 307 out of the 315 of the total seats in the Jatiya Sangsad. Maulana Bhashani, the octogenarian leader of the National Awami Party saw the election result, according to a Guardian report, as “the signal for the arrival of undiluted socialism.”

On the diplomatic front Bangabandhu’s foreign policy saw some significant success. The newly independent country got diplomatic recognition from all the major powers of the world including the four veto-wielding nations( all except China’s) at the United Nation’s Security Council. Bangabandhu’s presence at the Organisation of Islam Council’s (OIC) summit meeting in the Pakistani City of Lahore was a decision only a leader of his statute could make. Farhad Mazhar, believes “Mujib went to the OIC and set up the Islamic Foundation because he could feel the pulse of the people.” And his larger than life presence at the NAM conference in Algiers gave a huge boost to the morale of this tiny nation of 70 million people. The speech he made in Bangla at the United Nations in 1974 and the international publicity that followed made Bangladesh the voice of the Third world.

However some dark cloud of failure began to gather in the independent sky of Bangladesh. The rot was setting in from within. Corruption and monopolisation of state contracts by the ruling party cliques became so rampant that an economy of nepotism, corruption and black market literally took over the economy. Political oppression on Shiraz Sikdar revealed the autocratic nature of the highly personalised government run by Bangbandhu. The breaking out of JSD from within the ranks of Awami League clearly revealed the breach within ruling party ranks.

Bangabandhu inspecting a guard of honour of the Air Force.

By this time Bangladesh was facing a new menace that had almost crippled its already fragile economy. It was smuggling. Tony Hagen, then head of the UN Relief Operation to Dhaka, aptly described the situation to the Sunday Times“Bangladesh is like a bridge suspended in India.” Some unscrupulous businessmen and officials smuggled, almost all they could, to the neighbouring country. According to some reports the smuggling of goods across the border during the first three years cost the country’s economy about Tk. 60,000 million. The goods that were smuggled were mostly food-grains, jute and materials imported from abroad. In fact by December 1973, the economy was completely bankrupt, and about 2-billion US dollars of international aid had already been injected to the country’s economy. Some of these “unscrupulous businessmen and office bearers” were Awami Leaguers; and though, the whole party was in no way collectively responsible for the smuggling, Nafia Din believes, “ Some of their involvement in smuggling and the ’25-years treaty’ with India gave the Awami League a pro-India label.”

Then came the flood of 1974. Smuggling coupled with corruption and sheer nepotism in food distributions had turned the natural disaster into a man-made calamity. Bangabandhu publicly admitted the death of 27,000 people of starvation. Mascarenhas believes the death toll “of the (subsequent) famine was well into the six figures.”

At Buckingham Palace with Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip.

Bangabandhu wanted to make Bangladesh “the Switzerland of the east.” Nonetheless when the Rakkhi Bahini was raised to 25,000 men with basic military training and modern automatic weapons, the discontent amongst some army men turned into antagonism. “Most people wanted to see a Che Guevara out of Sheikh Mujib, but certainly he wasn’t Che,” says Farhad Mazhar. Mazhar thinks that because he wasn’t a revolutionary like Che or Castro, Mujib couldn’t make any people’s army after the independence like Castro did in Cuba after the liberation; which he believes the country at that moment desperately needed.

Bangabandhu, in the name of socialism, without giving the local entrepreneurs a level playing filed, nationalised all the industries in the name of a ‘planned and controlled economy’. Ataus Samad believes Mujib’s economic policy “had demolished the entrepreneurship skill of the Bangalis.”

Bangabandhu with the Algerian president and Bhutto at the Islamic Summit, Lahore, 1974.

“Corruption, cronyism, sycophancy and political repression had virtually isolated Bangabandhu from the people by then,” observes Nafia. Bangabandhu himself told the press that almost 4000 of his party workers, including 5 MPs had been killed by numerous self-styled political factions. In November that year, Tajuddin Ahmed, who led the nation on behalf of Bangabandhu and tipped as Mujib’s natural successor, publicly criticised the government for corruption and mismanagement. In a move that may be termed as suicidal for Sheikh Mujib, he asked Tajuddin to resign who readily complied and retired from politics for the moment. As the situation got worse and Bangabandhu became more isolated, on December 28, 1974 he declared a state of emergency and on January 25, 1975 he was sworn in as the President. On June 7 that year the one party state was formed.

BKSAL (Bangladesh Krishok Sramik Awami League), now the only legitimate political party, was officially described as the “Second Revolution.” But in effect it made Bangladesh a one party state with every political and administrative power personally vested in Sheikh Mujib. The promulgation says: “When the national party is formed a person shall:

a) In case he is a member of Parliament on the date the National party is formed, cease to be such a member, and his seat in Parliament shall become vacant if he does not become a member of the National Party within the time fixed by the President

b) Not be qualified for election as President or as a Member of Parliament if he is not nominated as a candidate for such election by the National Party.

c) Have no right of form, or to be a member or otherwise take part in the activities of any political party other than the National Party.”

Bangabandhu handpicked 61 men, which included many serving bureaucrats, as District Governors, to run the country. These non-elected “Governors” were to control the Bangladesh Rifles, the Rakkhi Bahini, police and army units stationed in their respective areas from September 1. Thus the man who led his country towards independence and freedom, within four years after its independence turned it into a monolithic and one party state. Through promulgating BKSAL all newspapers, except four under government control , were closed.

But the worst was yet to come for this infant nation wobbling on its independent feet. On August 15, 1975, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was killed, along with 13 members of his family, by a bunch of disgruntled army officers, under the political leadership of Khondokar Mushtak Ahmed.It was the most gruesome political assassination that continues to haunt the nation even today.

On that fateful night a group of killers led by ex-Major Noor and Major Mohiuddin, along with a group of mutineers from the Bengal Lancers, went to the private house at Dhanmandi to kill Bangabandhu. Ex-Major Noor fired a burst from his Sten gun on the right side of Bangabandhu; his whole body twisted backwards and then it slipped to the landing space of the stairs. It was 5:40 in the morning. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman died at an age of 56, at his home, from where he had led his people to independence. Begum Mujib was killed a moment later in front of their bedroom. Then the mayhem began. Sheikh Kamal and Sheikh Jamal, Bangabandhu’s two sons and their newly wed wives were killed. Sheikh Nasir, Mujib’s brother, who had allegedly amassed a heavy fortune during that period, was also killed. The self styled saviours of the people then killed Mujib’s 7-year old son, Sheikh Russell.

By this time another killer team, according to Mascarenhas, led by major Dalim went to Abdur Rab Serniabat’s house. In a 20-minute long massacre that followed, Serniabat was killed along with his wife, daughters and 3 minor members of the family. Serniabat’s son Abul Hasnat, a survivor in the family who had luckily escaped on that frightful night, according to Mascarenhas, “(later) saw his wife, mother and 20-year-old sister badly wounded and bleeding. His two young daughters, uninjured, were sobbing behind a sofa where they had hidden during the massacre. Lying dead on the floor were his 5-year-old son, two sisters aged 10 and 15 and his 11-year old brother, the family ayah (maid), a house-boy and his cousin Shahidul Islam Serniabat.”

Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BKSAL), a national front comprising major political parties and professional groups of the country was formed in 1975. People are seen attending the first conference.

The attack on Sheikh Moni’s house was, to quote Mascarenhas, “Brief and devastating.” Risaldar Muslehuddin led the killers to the house of Sheikh Moni, which was also at Dhanmandi. Moni’s seven months pregnant wife jumped in front of her husband, in an attempt to save him from the Risaldar’s bullet. Both were killed by a single bullet.

Khandakar Moshtaque Ahmed who declared himself as the president on August 15 following Bangabandhu’s brutal assassination, promulgated, on 26th September, an ordinance indemnifying the killers. The Ordinance was promulgated, as the Bangladesh Gazette dated that day says, “ to restrict the taking of any legal or other proceedings in respect of certain acts or things in connection with, or in preparation or execution of any plan for, or steps necessitating, the historical change and the Proclamation of Martial Law on the morning of 15th August, 1975.”

The August 15 killing and the Indemnity Ordinance had encouraged several successful and unsuccessful coup attempts later in the army. The killers were later awarded with high-ranking government jobs by the subsequent military governments that came as a natural by-product of the August 15 mayhem. The Ordinance, which was turned into an act and incorporated in our Constitution by General Ziaur Rahman who succeeded to power in November ’75 was scrapped in the late 1996 when Awami League came to power. The trial was held under the ordinary law of the land and after several years of legal proceedings verdict was given on this historic case. It is now under appeal at the highest court.


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Syed Rezwan Ali (Bir Protik)

Syed Rezwan Ali (Bir Protik)
Vice Charimen, ICRS (International Crime Reporters’ Society)
126/1/A, Shenpara Parbota, Mirpur-10, Dhaka-1216, Bangladesh

Syed Rezwan Ali is one out of few Bangladeshi soldiers to escape and to hijack an aircraft from Karachi, Pakistan to India in order to defect from the Pakistan Air Force and join the Liberation movement of Bangladesh in 1971. Syed Rezwan Ali, the ex-Bangladesh Air Force official who has fought against Pakistani enemy forces during the Liberation war and for his bravery and devoted participation in liberation war, he has been awarded with Bir Protik (Symbol of Bravery or Idol of Courage) is the fourth highest gallantry award in Bangladesh . Syed Rezwan Ali was in the front row of sector 8 under the direct command of Sector Commander Major Abu Osman Chowdury and Major M A Manzur.

This award was declared on 15 December 1973. A total of 426 people have received the award so far, all for their actions during the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971.

We are grateful to him for his extraordinary support and direct co-operation of providing stories, articles, stills & videos with authenticated liberation war materials, without those we won’t be able to create such significant project of Bangabandhu, Bangladesh & Beyond…

REFERENCE : Bangladesh Gazette Notification No. 8/25/D-1/72-1378 Dated 15th December 1973.


Md Serajul Haque

MD Serajul Haq
Famous & Popular Educator in Amboula, Paisarhat, Barisal

Mr. Serajul Haque, The valiant freedom fighter of Bangladesh is one out of few repute war hero who has fought against Pakistani forces during 1971. His contribution towards freedom of Bangladesh is known to all in Barisal Division of Bangladesh. We are grateful to him for his extraordinary support of making this remarkable project. He fought under Sector 9 with Major M A Jalil, Major MA Manzur & Major Joynal Abedin during Liberation War.

The valiant freedom fighter of Bangladesh is one out of few repute war hero who has fought against Pakistani forces during 1971. His contribution towards freedom of Bangladesh is known to all in Barisal Division of Bangladesh. We are grateful to him for his extraordinary support of making this remarkable project. He fought under Sector 9 with Major M A Jalil, Major MA Manzur & Major Joynal Abedin during Liberation War.

Gazi Hafizur Rahman LIKU

Gazi Hafizur Rahman LIKU
Assignment Officer To The Hon’ble Prime Minister of Peoples Republic of Bangladesh
Tejgaon, Dhaka, Bangladesh

Mr. Gazi Hafijur Rahman has contributed us with valuable guidance and materials of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, His father was a fellow to our father of the Nation. we have collected rare footage and stills of our Bangabandhu through him which has made a positive impact on our work towards Bangabandhu, Bangladesh & Beyond…